What is Political sociology?
States & societies
Bureaucracy and rational action
Identities and difference
Globalisation?
Political sociology has always been an essential part of sociology.
Within the field of political sociology there are four sets of discrete,
yet interrelated, areas of research and analysis:
1. The study of states and their relationships with their own societies
and the social groups and classes in those societies.
2. The study of the development and nature of political movements
and political organisations.
3. The relationship of individuals to political processes
and political institutions.
4. The study of states and their international relations
in the global arena.
The study of state-society relationships is perhaps the principal focus and strength of political sociology.
In one sense this should come as no surprise to us given that the birth
of modern sociology coincides with, and is concomitant with the birth
of modern states. From Comte to Durkheim, from Marx to Weber these
founders of sociology have made significant contributions to an
explanation of the dynamics of the state and its relationship to
society.
Of course in the first instance we will need to define what the state is.
In constructing a definition of the state we must consider:
- the idea of territory
- the idea of power
- the idea of state functions
However the issues are made more complex when we consider the question
of government. There are at least two uses of the word government.
Usually spelt with a capital, Government is usually used to refer to a
particular Government administration in power at a given time, for
example, we might refer to the Blair Government.
However 'government' (without the capital) is used to refer to the 'processes' of governing.
In recent years this idea of the processes of governing have been referred to by the term 'governance'.
Political sociology needs to clarify each of these terms and to differentiate their use.
Finally, we need to address a number of important ideas and concepts regarding the claims made by and of modern states:
States claim to be sovereign; what is meant by the claim to sovereignty?
States claim to be legitimate; On what basis does a state claim legitimacy for its policies?
States claim to be representative; What/who is a state representative of?
States claim to be democratic; To what extent are states democratic?
We shall address these issues as well others in this section of the site
It is a commonplace these days to point to the manner in which
modernity is based upon bureaucratic structures. All the founding
fathers of sociology recognised the central place of the bureaucracy in
modern life. But perhaps it is Max Weber who is most famous for his
writings on the subject. Bureaucratisation was the outcome for Weber of
the modern 'rationalisation of social action'. This 'rationalisation'
led to the dominance of 'instrumental-rational' action and the
diminution of 'emotional life'. The subsequent complex of bureaucratic
structures would, argued Weber, form an 'iron cage' in which
individuals were 'locked'. All this was necessary argued Weber for a
modern, mass, society.
In the 20th century, the French social theorist, Michel Foucault,
taking many of his ideas from Weber, sought to examine the manner in
which, what he termed 'population-states', were engaged in the
domination of society. Foucault pointed to the manner in which such
states were said to 'discipline' individuals by use of techniques of
surveillance and training. Central to these 'disciplinary discourses'
was the use of organisational and bureaucratic principles such as the
panopticon and 'the timetable'.
Of importance here is the recognition of the effects of (particular)
forms of bureaucracy and organisation on politics and political
outcomes. In this sense we might understand the phrase: 'bureaucracy is
not innocent in its effects'. By this we mean to suggest that the shape
and form of particular bureaucratic structures will influence the way
politics is perceived and conducted in society.
However for all this talk of bureaucracy and discipline, it should not
be forgotten that, as Foucault avers, there is no power without a
concomitant set of resistances. Since the birth of the modernity, there
has existed those individuals and social groups who seek to 'humanize'
and to subvert the domination of states.
From the Anarchists of the 19th century to the 'Avant-Gardeners' of May
Day, from the socialists of the early 20th century to the New Social
Movements, politics is based upon argumentation and conflict.
It is incumbent on a contemporary political sociology to adopt an
approach to politics and political life which can address the question
of the individual in holistic terms. In so doing it recognises the
importance of culture to the construction of the individual as both a social
being and most especially for our discussion here as a 'political
being'. Here questions of social identity will be a central aspect of
such a political sociology.
Of particular interest here is the so-called public - private
division of spheres in society. This division - traditionally perceived
as so fundamental to modern societies - suggests a division of roles
for individuals between 'the political' aspects of their lives and 'the
private' aspect of their lives. Modern representative democracies
presuppose the need for 'limits to government' in order to 'safeguard'
the individual. The 'private' sphere is perceived by many as the
'sphere; in which politics is excluded: it is the individual's 'haven'
from the strictures of the state. This sphere was traditionally seen as
the 'natural' place for women. However there can be little doubt that
notions of femininity are changing and that women now possess distinct
views about their identities in society. Thus this traditional
public-private division is being transformed. A transformation which
will have repercussions of the notion and nature of politics in
society.
The centrality of the idea of identity is also clear if we
consider issues such as citizenship, democracy, and consent. These
concepts are grounded in (particular) ideas of social identity; they
presuppose concepts of identity and subjectivity. Thus why are
individuals under the age of 18 not given the right to vote? Whatever
your views on this issue, what must be understood is that the exclusion
of under-18s from the political franchise is in part based upon
assumptions about their identity and status in society.
We've noted that modern states are founded on nations and nationalism.
In this sense we refer to them as nation-states.
However it is also the case that ever since the birth of modernity,
states have had to perceive themselves as part of a 'global'
configuration. They have had to adapt to, and integrate into, an
international system of states.
Most political theorists suggest that it was the Westphalia Treaty of
the 17th century which first set up a system of international states.
Discourses of diplomacy and the professionalised armies of modernity
were established as the dominant discourses at about this time.
In the 19th century, the international system was dominated by the
imperialism and colonialism of Britain and France. This colonialism
'allowed' these dominant states to create relations of dependency and
subordination in terms of both trade and policy in the 'colonial
nations'.
War seems to be as endemic to modernity as it ever was in feudal
Europe. Political sociologists variously describe the modern state as
the 'welfare-warfare state' and point to such phenomenon as the
'militarisation of society' on account of the two 'total wars' of the
20th century which involved mass conscription of the male population.
Into the 20th century and the setting up of organisations such as,
first, the League of Nations (1920) and then the United Nations (1945)
in order to alleviate the need for war. Thus nation-states have had to
comprehend and confront the existence of what are termed,
supra-national organisations. But the existence of these supra-national
organisations has created a series of tensions. Tensions between the
national (internal) bases of the state and the demands of
'internationalism'. European visitors to this site will be especially
aware of this point in terms of the current problems for many European
states and their citizens, around one particular supra-national
organisation: the EU.
From what has been said above it should be clear that 'globalisation' -
if we mean by this the existence of global arenas of trade, politics
and culture - is not a new phenomenon which began in the 1990s.
Globalisation in this wider sense is in fact endemic to modernity and
modern times.